./english/42.txt:1:Report from the ESF Athens 2006 – Repression Network
./english/42.txt:4:Here's a (first) ESF Athens report from the Repression Network. Unfortunately we did not have the chance to discuss it very much between the Network members; so I can just speak for some of us.
./english/42.txt:6:For the Repression Network the ESF Athens wasn't just a meeting with seminars but also with practical action.
./english/42.txt:16:The Repression Network considered this as an opportunity to strengthen the cooperation with the Migrants Network and to show our practical solidarity with the migrants as one of the most oppressed parts of the population. We also decided to go into the station to express our protest there.
./english/42.txt:30:The members of the ESF Repression Network who took part in this action were very satisfied with the results. The visit was transmitted in many TV channels and the newspapers reported largely, the second biggest one in Greece (Eleftherotypia) on the front page.
./english/42.txt:39:This means that we had a total of about 500 people in our 4 seminars (not different people since many of us attended two or more seminars). In respect of the fact that the repression issues were never a main theme in the ESF but from the beginning marginalized I think that this number is pretty good. It is even better when we consider that this was the first ESF where our Network organized such seminars.
./english/42.txt:59:We think that the Athens ESF was a success, not only because of the number of the visitors and the big rally but also for us, the Repression Network.
./english/42.txt:67:CONTRIBUTION TO THE 2006 ASSEMBLY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS BY THE ESF NETWORK AGAINST REPRESSION
./english/42.txt:70:The ESF Network against Repression has carried out intense work during this 2006 ESF. We have held 4 seminars.
./english/42.txt:84:Because of this, activists of the network against repression and activists of the migration network together, protested in a Greek police station, protested against how the Greek police humiliates migrants.
./english/44.txt:97:The No Vox network calls for a demonstration against the G8 in 2007 to denounce the increase in social inequalities, poverty, discrimination, repression, to share the wealth and build new rights such as a decent wage, freedom of movement and residence, housing and land for all.
./english/44.txt:103:REPRESSION
./english/44.txt:104:The ESF Network against Repression has carried out intense work during this 2006 ESF. We have held 4 seminars.
./english/44.txt:118:Because of this, activists of the Network Against Repression and of the Migration Network protested in an Athens police station against the humiliation of migrants by the Greek police.
./english/44.txt:230:- International solidarity in cases of police repression against social activist and Left political militants, support to political prisoners;
./english/44.txt:237:On that day at a meeting at the Empire Theatre in Johannesburg, South Africa, Sheth haji Habib, an Indian and South African Muslim declared his commitment to refuse non-violently, at any cost, the new laws of repression passed by the British colonial empire against coloured people in South Africa. Mohatmas Gandhi attended the meeting which became a historic step forward for people’s non-violent power in its modern form. Since then, this same force has brought down imperial rule in India and elsewhere, achieved civil rights in the USA, contributed to the defeat of apartheid in South Africa and inspired people’s struggles for justice and dignity across the planet.
./english/44.txt:246:REPRESSION IN SAN SALVADOR ATENCO (MEXICO)
./english/44.txt:258:Down with the repression
./english/161.txt:33:focused on this repression, how to deal with it and whether the movement should
./english/161.txt:97:which are, on the whole, ignored. Firstly, the media may cheer-lead state repression.
./english/161.txt:155:the face of state repression following the 1990 Trafalgar Square poll tax riot. The
./english/193.txt:14:John Holloway’s book Change the World without taking Power has deeply influenced parts of the alter-globalisation movement. His question is whether the left should concentrate its struggle on the state, to influence it, even to take state power – or to reject the state? Holloway treats the state as an entity separate from society, its alienated form of organisation. He identifies parties as parts of the state, reproducing the alienated form, working ‘in the name’ of us, this way excluding us from decisions. The outcome is betrayal. As the state they exclude us and separate us from each other as state citizens. Moreover the state is the form of negative movement to repress social self-determination and self-organisation. So we have to stop reproducing these forms of social relations dominated by capital and state: ‘if we stop tomorrow, capitalism will no longer exist’. That means turning the back to the state, creating autonomous spaces, burning holes into capitalism. As the negation of capitalism is part of everyone’s everyday experience we could build on that to create our own spaces. In Holloway’s understanding the state is just an instrument for repression of disobedience and rebellion – some kind of Leninist approach to the state (or an unconscious anarchism). But what about the partial victories and achievements of the left, like the regulation of the working day, the welfare state and so on, as contradictory as they are? In the whole history of left defeats, it seems that small victories were assured by some kind of state politics too. It is obvious that this alone is not enough but it makes clear, in the sense Poulantzas offered, that the state is not a closed entity but a materialisation of changeable relations of social forces, therefore a redefinition of institutions might be possible.
./english/193.txt:34:However autonomy is not simply a thing one can take. Autonomy has to be worked out, in search of new forms of social relations and subjectivities. Nearly 90% of the locally active members are women. In organising these new social relations a need for desaprender (‘unlearning’) became evident in the face of entangled modes of domination reproduced in the community (for example machismo) and became part of self-educating processes. The movement gives itself space for collective reflection to work on conflicts. Partisans tried to get into the movement, but their old forms of clientalism and domination prevented a deeper influence. There is no disintegration of the movement in the face of a new government. Things have been institutionalised, networks of organisations been created, durability is the goal (not conjunctural actions) – but as this is a process from below (like in Chiapas as well), quiet, slow, changing subjectivities, it is not that visible in the media. The state is absent, apart from its repressive functions. The experience of exclusion was necessary for the movement. ‘Neoliberalism itself induced us to appropriate its promises, but without reintegrating into the system that excluded us.’ But repression is getting harder.7 ‘Will we always need someone to organise us our lives’, Jara asked, ‘some political party, or union, or government?’ For Holloway the piqueteros (although they do not like this expression, because it hides the everyday production and reproduction within the community) are the most prominent case of ‘urban zapatismo’, burning holes into the structure, against the existing, breaking with identities – it is the movement of non-identity. This is not a loss, there is nothing to be repressed, and it should not be a sacrifice but a pleasure.
./english/201.txt:73:Which leads onto the second positive aspect of the event: its diversity. No matter how hard the SWP tried, they couldn't limit the forum to Trots alone, and a huge variety of people and causes were there. An estimated 25,000 people attended, and many would have had the chance to hear about things they had never encountered before. The ongoing oppression of the people of Iran by its Islamist regime, for example: a number of Iranian exiles were at the forum with a disturbing display of the brutality of the mullahs. A similar stall highlighted the reality of life in Burma, while trade unionists from Colombia spoke about the repression of their fellows by the military regime and called for solidarity.
./english/202.txt:34:1) military war including various forms of physical repression throughout the world, though mainly ignored by the mass media;
./english/219.txt:27:We express our solidarity to the Greek sailor Giorgos Monastiriotis, who was condemned 3 years and 4 months when he refused to take part in a military mission in the Gulf and thus participate in the war against Iraq . We demand the immediate drop of any charges against him. We express our solidarity to all soldiers of all nationalities who refuse to take part in the occupation and the repression of Iraqi resistance.
./english/259.txt:23:Of course, given its history, Barcelona was a provocative and pertinent setting for such an event. Here, the 19th century saw an expanding number of workers living in desperate conditions riot repeatedly against a bourgeoisie reaping the benefits of industrialisation. This created a fertile context for the growth of a militant anarcho-syndicalism, based on desires to establish decentralised and autonomously run productive ventures and services. In the early 20th century, Catalunyan socialists and anarchists began to resist Spain’s militarised imperial pretensions, marking a period of unrest in a context of repression by the Castilian dictator, Primo de Rivera. In 1936 a federated, election-winning alliance of anarchists, radicals, socialists and republicans faced a full-blown civil war with Franco’s militarised fascism.
./english/259.txt:24:The toll for Catalunya’s anarcho-syndicalists was disastrous. In recent years, people have been arrested in Barcelona for anarchist activism, and to judge from the anarchist symbols graffiti-ed around the city, an undercurrent of contemporary anarchisms bubbles away not so far from the city’s surface. This accompanies widespread concern that repression and censorship has been increasing under the dictate of Spanish Prime Minister Aznar, himself a member of the fascist party during General Franco’s leadership1. As elsewhere, these trends are targetting cross-cutting precarious ‘groups’ such as immigrants, anarchists, squatters, separatists, and activists.
./english/282.txt:27:A more extreme but by no means unknown example occurs where academics' interest in movements is motivated primarily by an association with the forces of state repression. 19th century cases include individuals such as the Prussian theorist of police Lorenz von Stein (usually credited with coining the expression 'social movement') and the French police informer Gustav Le Bon (noted for his theories of 'the crowd'). More recently, Oskarsson and Peterson (2001) - in the wake of the shooting of three activists (one of whom was critically wounded) at G?org - came to the following practical conclusions:
./english/282.txt:165:What was obscured most decisively in this process was the key political issue around which the literature had originally been constructed: the failure of social democracy to bring about revolutionary change in post-war western Europe, and the alignment of orthodox communism with the repression of revolution in Paris just as much as in Prague.
./english/293.txt:429:As much in the course of the drifts as afterwards in the two workshops of Globalized Care, we have only just begun to go over some of the memorable recent experiences of struggle: the janitor’s strike in Ramón y Cajal Hospital, the struggle of the Qualytel telephone operators, and other gestures, bursts, protests and budding processes of uprising. For some the encounter with the janitors in our brief visit to the hospital was strange, alien: alien to us because we saw them in a localized conflict, still influenced by unions like CCOO[37] (with which the workers of the Eurolimp-Ferrovial contract in Ramon y Cajal had had such confrontations in order to maintain their autonomy and their grassroots structure), in a conflict in which the question of precariousness resides basically in the increasing loss of rights, in the disappearance of the workers’ functions in order to intensify their activity, and in the absolute repression of any and all burst of protest.[38] But we immediately recognized the intimacy of the relationship they sought with the patients and their families and with other social groups outside of the realm of the unions, and we identified with their discourse about care as something related to citizenship and their criticism of the privatization of health care.
./english/300.txt:22:Just prior to the emergence of its critical wing, geography during the mid 60’s was primarily seen as a spatial science fully immersed in (or taken over by) the quantitative revolution. The subject matter addressed by the discipline was varied (from the study of glaciers to neighborhood segregation) but the theoretical bases that had often given geography it raison d’être-the synthesis of the human and physical sciences- seemed a thing of the past (Harvey and Smith 1984; p. 102). The writers of the history of radical geography often give the impression that while geography had its niche, there was a feeling of a certain stagnation (Peet 1977, Blaut 1979, Harvey and Smith 1984). It is interesting to note that up until the 1960’s there seems to have not been anything that could be called a critical ‘tradition’ or lineage. Although many geographers hark back to the work of anarchist geographers such as Kropotkin and Réclus, there had not been a body of work or string of authors that one could say had picked up where those two had left off in the late nineteenth-early twentieth century. In the decades prior to the 60’s there had been individuals and small groups of people involved in critical work (Sauer, and Lattimore are cited by some) but no ‘body’ of work that could be called ‘critical’ much less ‘radical’. Blaut attempts to explain the lack of this tradition as due, at least partly, to: the cultural monotony of the professoriate (mostly white male), the affluence (in the U.S. at least) of the post-war period and McCarthyist repression (Blaut 1979; p. 160). Harvey even ventures that due to McCarthyism, at least some ‘progressive’ geographers began to “…express their social concerns behind the supposed neutrality of ‘the positivist shield’” (Harvey 2001; p. 114). To break through this ‘quiet’ then would require something fairly massive to occur, a ‘social crisis’ according to Blaut: “Radical geography certainly emerged out of such a crisis, in my view the most serious crisis yet faced by capitalist society,” (Blaut 1979; p. 159).
./english/303.txt:41:At the same time, the overwhelming campaign of low-level state terror unleashed by the Italian state also points to some of the potential limitations of the “diversity of tactics” logic. If rather than dividing and conquering, the state pursues and indiscriminate strategy of physical repression it becomes impossible to safely divide up the urban terrain. In particular contexts, such as the upcoming RNC protests in New York, for example, it might make sense to actively dissuade other activists from using militant black block styles and tactics. However, blanked condemnations of protests “violence,” including the widely circulated statements by Susan George after Gothenburg and Genoa, are not likely to produce the desired effect largely because they violate the basic networking logic at the heart of contemporary anti-corporate globalization movements. Rather, it I sonly through dialogue and immanent critique based on solidarity and respect that such contentious issues can be resolved. At its best, militant ethnography can thus provide a mechanism for shedding light on contemporary networking logics and politics, while also making effective interventions into ongoing activist debates.
./english/306.txt:201:With these questions in mind, we created a mechanism that went beyond the Karakola, and a great diversity of people joined us: Operation Pink and its weapon of choice, the para-war , a pink umbrella with which to make fun of police repression, take it out of context and ridiculize it and thereby to fight the criminalizing of social movements. But it was also a weapon to open before the sexist and homophobic chants. We made up watchwords, we
./english/325.txt:49:In 2004 Queeruption festival happened in Amsterdam and in their announcement the organisers state: ‘queeruption is for expression and exploration of identity, climbing over the artificial boundaries of sexuality, gender, nation, class, against racism, capitalism, patriarchy and binary gender repression’. And in line with ‘the’ (squatters) movement they add: ‘Queeruption is non-commercial! Queeruption is Do-it-Yourself! We draw no line between organisers and participants. We seek to provide a framework (space, co-ordination) which you can fill with your ideas’ (ibid).
./english/325.txt:105:In the publications of the DiY-part of the alterglobalization movement only recently much attention is given to the queer movement. Yet in their criticizing collective identities, in their emphasis of imagination, their struggle to reclaim public places for fun, the deepening of relationships between people, their pink and silver clothes during actions, their tactical frivolity and emphasis on personal politics, the alterglobalization movement shows all kinds of connections with the aims of the queer movement. And also the other way around, like the queer slogan: ‘Queer, the privilege to imagine more’ and the description of Jackson (2003: 70): ‘Queer are those who knowingly occupy a marginal location’. The close connection is also expressed in the announcement of the international Queeruption festivals: queeruption is climbing over the artificial boundaries of sexuality, gender, nation, class, against racism, capitalism, patriarchy and binary gender repression; queeruption is non-commercial, is Do-it-Yourself!
./english/343.txt:14:However, the violence the system uses does not just manifest itself in open warfare against 'peoples who resist neoliberal thinking'. Other weapons used to break down resistance are the repression of social movements and the restriction of basic rights. Military occupation and the establishment of foreign bases are an open attack on peoples' sovereignty and their desire to cast off the shackles of imperial domination.
./english/347.txt:36:Also it was agreed to cooperate closely with the anti-repression-network and the anti-war network, which itself agreed on an international day of action in support of Palestine on 17-18. April 2007.
./english/348.txt:12:War in Lebanon – Repression – Past Activities
./english/348.txt:15:Also we condemn the continuous repression of the democratic and progressive voices, organizations and mass media around Europe. Per example, in Turkey, the imprisonment of Ibrahim Cicek, chief editor, and Sedat Senoglu, chief coordinator, and the rest journalists of “Atilim” newspaper, and of the members of other progressive institutes and trade-unions. We want to support the political prisoners in death fast against the F-Type prisons and isolation as Sevgi Saymaz, the lawyer Belic Asci who is making death fast since 215 days in solidarity to the political prisoners, as also Gulcan Goruroglu. In the Basque Country, the Spanish and French states continue the repression, banning demonstrations, exercising macro-trials and continuing the criminal policy against the political prisoners.
./english/363.txt:73:A couple of years ago I attempted an "immanent critique" of contemporary movements, starting from the Irish alternative movement (Cox 1999b). The idea behind this kind of thing is to take what movements say about their goals seriously, and to think about movements as learning processes in which people try to find ways of doing things which are adequate to the goals they set themselves. Of course, there are all kinds of other processes which can divert this development (co-optation, repression, insulation, economic interests etc.), but it is nevertheless a useful sort of exercise to think "what would have to be the case if we wanted to do this?"
./english/368.txt:12:Initially the Mexican state tried to restrict the uprising to the jungles of Chiapas, through both military repression and the limitation of press coverage (most Mexicans get their news from the state controlled TV network, Televisa). Those efforts failed. First through written communiques and personal interviews with independent journalists which were flashed around the world by fax and electronic mail, then through more detailed reports by Mexican and foreign observers circulated in the same manner, the Zapatistas were able to break out of the state's attempted isolation and reach others with their ideas and their program for economic and political revolution. As vast numbers of Mexicans responded with sympathy and mobilized in support, the Chiapas uprising kindled a more generalized pro-democracy movement against the centralized and corrupt Mexican economic and political system. Inspiring many others outside of Mexico, the Zapatista uprising set in motion a new wave of hope and energy among those engaged in the struggle for freedom all over the world.
./english/368.txt:70:For those in Mexico who read those messages and found them accurate and inspiring, this blockage was an intolerable situation which had to be overcome in order to build support for the Zapatistas and to stop the government's repression. What they did was very simple: they typed or scanned the communiques and letters into e-text form and sent them out over The Net to potentially receptive audiences around the world.(21) Those audiences included, first and foremost, UseNet newsgroups, PeaceNet conferences, and Internet lists whose members were already concerned with Mexico's social and political life,(22) secondly, humanitarian groupings concerned with human rights generally,(23) thirdly, networks of indigenous peoples and those sympathetic to them,(24) fourthly, those political regions of cyberspace which seemed likely to have members sympathetic to grassroots revolt in general(25) and fifthly, networks of feminists who would respond with solidarity to the rape of indigenous women by Mexican soldiers or to the EZLN "Women's Revolutionary Law" drafted by women, for women, within and against a traditionally patriarchal society.(26) Again and again, friendly and receptive readers spontaneously re-posted the messages in new places while sometimes translating the Spanish documents into English and other languages. In this way, the words of the Zapatistas and messages of their communities have been diffused from a few gateways throughout much of cyberspace.
./english/368.txt:86:At first, the most pressing issues concerned the shooting war. Mass mobilization to stop the state's military repression and force a withdrawal of the Mexican army was organized on the basis of outrage generated by detailed reports on the bloody character of that repression. Information was downloaded from The Net, gathered from other sources and transformed into flyers, pamphlets, newsletters, articles and eventually books detailing the torture, rapes, summary executions, and other violence being perpetrated by the military, the various police forces and the private "white guards" --hired goons of the big ranchers. Such material fueled the organization of mass marches in Mexico City, San Francisco, New York and other cities around the world. They fired passions that led people to candle-light vigils, letter writing and fax campaigns, Mexican consulate takeovers and other forms of protest. Stories of these actions (often ignored by the media) were then uploaded to The Net and as the reports multiplied they encouraged local militants who could see their own efforts as part of a larger movement. Taken all together, this explosive movement of solidarity certainly forced the government to back off its military solution and to negotiate with the Zapatistas. This was true in January and February of 1994 and a year later in February and March of 1995 after the Zedillo government unilaterally ruptured negotiations with the EZLN and again resorted to military violence.
./english/368.txt:92:The result for business, the state and the ruling class generally is a continuing crisis of "governability" wherein virtually every historical mechanism of domination is being challenged and ruptured from below. The old combinations of repression and co-optation have not been working and the traditional elite coalitions are splitting apart. The PRI has had to accept electoral reforms, cede state governments to the opposition Partido Accion Nacional (PAN), tolerate public denunciations from its own human rights commission, suffer repeated exposures of massive state corruption, while watching the center of gravity of public political debate and action shift toward radical groups like the EZLN or moderate groups like Alianza Civica. Desperate in the face of so many crises, the fragmenting ruling alliance has struck back with its usual violence --military repression in Chiapas, police state repression all over the place. At the same time, unfortunately, it has not collapsed and is hardly without resources --both financial and human-- even in extremis. As a result we have begun to see some new efforts to fight back on various fronts, including that of cyberspace.
./english/368.txt:120:The state has since extended its repression to those using The Net to challenge its political hegemony, sometimes charging others with its own crimes, e.g., terrorism. One good example was the March 1995 Carabinieri Anti-Crime Special Operations Group raid on the Italian "BITS Against Empire" BBS whose members were accused of "subversive association with intent to subvert the democratic order".(53) The "Omnibus Counterterrorism Act of 1995" submitted to Congress after the Oklahoma bombing threatens to facilitate such repressive tactics in the U.S. The Spring 1995 passage in the House of Representatives of "The Communication Decency Act" to mandate FCC censoring of the production and circulation of pornography threatens to provide the state with an opening wedge for legal repression. Alternative, anti-FCC legislation (the Cox/Wyden Internet Freedom and Family Empowerment Act) passed the Senate in August. The two bills are in conference in the Fall of 1995. How and whether such censorship can be enforced is still very much an open question. The battle against the Senate legislation passage has involved widespread mobilization throughout The Net by those who saw their freedom of speech menaced, even indirectly.(54)
./english/368.txt:152:At this point the reform movement itself is probably the key terrain of struggle between the Zapatistas and capital. Those forces within the movement pushing for the Zapatistas to convert themselves from a revolutionary force into one more traditional political party can be seen as the embodiment of the Mexican state's traditional strategy of co-optation (repression via assimilation).(64) As Ronfeldt and Thorup's joint work suggests, the conversion of the Zapatistas into a political party might not even be required for their neutralization. It might be enough to merely convert them into one more "independent" organization among others in a domesticated and neutralized civil society.
./english/368.txt:156:What all of this means is that as the struggles on The Net have moved from mobilization against military repression to the circulation of Zapatista ideas and the discussion of their political visions and programs, the conflicts in this electronic fabric of connections will increasingly take on all the complexity of the more general political, economic and social crises in Mexico.
./english/374.txt:114:New uprisings shall take place in these and other countries of Our America, as it has already happened in Bolivia, and they shall continue to grow in the midst of all the hardships inherent to this dangerous profession of being modern revolutionaries. Many shall perish, victims of their errors, others shall fall in the touch battle that approaches; new fighters and new leaders shall appear in the warmth of the revolutionary struggle. The people shall create their warriors and leaders in the selective framework of the war itself - and Yankee agents of repression shall increase. Today there are military aids in all the countries where armed struggle is growing; the Peruvian army apparently carried out a successful action against the revolutionaries in that country, an army also trained and advised by the Yankees. But if the focuses of war grow with sufficient political and military insight, they shall become practically invincible and shall force the Yankees to send reinforcements. In Peru itself many new figures, practically unknown, are now reorganizing the guerrilla. Little by little, the obsolete weapons, which are sufficient for the repression of small armed bands, will be exchanged for modern armaments and the U.S. military aids will be substituted by actual fighters until, at a given moment, they are forced to send increasingly greater number of regular troops to ensure the relative stability of a government whose national puppet army is desintegrating before the impetuous attacks of the guerrillas. It is the road of Vietnam it is the road that should be followed by the people; it is the road that will be followed in Our America, with the advantage that the armed groups could create Coordinating Councils to embarrass the repressive forces of Yankee imperialism and accelerate the revolutionary triumph.
./english/374.txt:134:The beginnings will not be easy; they shall be extremely difficult. All the oligarchies' powers of repression, all their capacity for brutality and demagoguery will be placed at the service of their cause. Our mission, in the first hour, shall be to survive; later, we shall follow the perennial example of the guerrilla, carrying out armed propaganda (in the Vietnamese sense, that is, the bullets of propaganda, of the battles won or lost -- but fought -- against the enemy). The great lesson of the invincibility of the guerrillas taking root in the dispossessed masses. The galvanizing of the national spirit, the preparation for harder tasks, for resisting even more violent repressions. Hatred as an element of the struggle; a relentless hatred of the enemy, impelling us over and beyond the natural limitations that man is heir to and transforming him into an effective, violent, selective and cold killing machine. Our soldiers must be thus; a people without hatred cannot vanquish a brutal enemy.
./english/375.txt:133:The fact of the matter is that things are going wrong in Argentina because there’s a military imperialistic dictatorship. It’s a military struggle rather than the fact that the working class is not involved. All classes are involved, well maybe not the elites, but all segments of society are participating, and the problem is how to overcome the repression, not whether or not we have the banner of the working class flying. Everyone taking part, that is what is so amazing about Argentina.
./english/375.txt:199:Some people have referred to workers taking over their factories in Argentina. There are fantastic actions there. But you can’t just sit there. You can’t just take over one factory. You still have to deal with the question of repression in Argentina, you still have to deal with the question of the United States's ability to wage war on whoever they want to get whatever they want, their ability to squeeze people economically. We do need to be able to organised, to engage in collective organising. The concept of multitude rejects that collective organising. That’s why I think we have to have a class analysis.
./english/379.txt:66:In January 1995, when the Mexican government attacked the Zapatistas, the latter used computer networks to inform and mobilize individuals and groups throughout the world to support them in their battle against repressive government action. There were many demonstrations in support of the rebels throughout the world. Prominent journalists, human rights observers and delegations traveled to Chiapas to demonstrate solidarity and to report on the uprising. The Mexican and US governments were bombarded with messages calling for negotiations rather than repression. The Mexican government was forced to back down and halt their repression of the insurgents. While carrying out various forms of subjugation, they continued to sporadically negotiate, and as of this writing in late 2001, the new Mexican President Vicente Fox has agreed to continue negotiations.[6]
./english/379.txt:182:[6] There was, however, an assassination of Zapatista supporters by local death squads in early 1998 -- which once again triggered significant internet-generated pressures on the Mexican government to prosecute the perpetrators. Likewise, there has been ongoing government repression and sporadic violence, although, so far, the kind of massive repression of the movement favoured by many in the Mexican military and political establishment has been avoided. I should also mention here the incredibly conflicting interpretations of the Zapatista movement by its supporters and detractors, and the problem that it has been given iconic significance with all the attendant mythologization in the contemporary era. For my purposes, it represents a strong example of how new technologies can be used as an arm of political struggle and how computer-mediated technologies can help generate global support networks and circulate information of revolutionary struggles and movements.
./english/380.txt:101: The experience of September 11 points to the objective ambiguity of globalization, that positive and negative sides are interconnected, that the institutions of the open society unlock the possibilities of destruction and violence, as well as democracy, free trade, and cultural and social exchange. Once again, the interconnection and interdependency of the networked world was dramatically demonstrated as terrorists from the Middle East brought local grievances from their region to attack key symbols of American power and the very infrastructure of New York. Some saw terrorism as an expression of “the dark side of globalization,” while I would conceive it as part of the objective ambiguity of globalization that simultaneously creates friends and enemies, wealth and poverty, and growing divisions between the “haves” and “have nots.” Yet, the downturning of the global economy, intensification of local and global political conflicts, repression of human rights and civil liberties, and general increase in fear and anxiety have certainly undermined the naïve optimism of globaphiles who perceived globalization as a purely positive instrument of progress and well-being.
./english/380.txt:105: The use of powerful technologies as weapons of destruction also discloses current asymmetries of power and emergent forms of terrorism and war, as the new millennium exploded into dangerous conflicts and interventions. As technologies of mass destruction become more available and dispersed, perilous instabilities have emerged that have elicited policing measures to stem the flow of movements of people and goods across borders and internally. In particular, the USA Patriot Act has led to repressive measures that are replacing the spaces of the open and free information society with new forms of surveillance, policing, and repression (see Kellner, forthcoming).
./english/380.txt:109: Ultimately, however, the abhorrent terror acts by the bin Laden network and the violent military response to the Al Qaeda terrorist acts by the Bush administration may be an anomalous paroxysm whereby a highly regressive premodern Islamic fundamentalism has clashed with an old-fashioned patriarchal and unilateralist Wild West militarism. It could be that such forms of terrorism, militarism, and state repression will be superseded by more rational forms of politics that globalize and criminalize terrorism, and that do not sacrifice the benefits of the open society and economy in the name of security. Yet the events of September 11 may open a new era of Terror War that will lead to the kind of apocalyptic futurist world depicted by cyberpunk fiction (see Kellner forthcoming).
./english/385.txt:19:Still, the overall turnout of color from the U.S. remained around five percent of the total. In personal interviews, activists from the Bay Area and the Southwest gave me several reasons for this. Some mentioned concern about the likelihood of brutal police repression. Other obstacles: lack of funds for the trip, inability to be absent from work during the week, and problems in finding child care.
./english/387.txt:11:The growth of peasant-led mass opposition to neo-liberalism is uneven. In some countries like Brazil, where the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) represents hundreds of thousands of farmworkers, the rural movement provides leadership to the national struggle. In other countries like Chile, the farmworkers’ movement has not yet recovered from the savage repression of the Pinochet years and is a marginal force even at local levels. One of the key factors explaining the rising influence of peasant movements is their autonomy and independence from electoral parties and guerrilla “commanders” where they were merely “transmission belts” of policy.
./english/387.txt:53:Militarization & State Repression
./english/387.txt:58:But the new peasant movements have grown, even against the repression of the new civilian regimes. In Santa Carmen there had been a land occupation where peasants with their machetes were clearing the land and feeding each other through a common kitchen. In August 1996, the Army invaded and killed three peasants, destroyed their crops and houses, and drove scores of families off the land. Several months later the peasants reoccupied the land and organized a national conference attended by over 1,000 people including students, professionals, progressive businesspeople, and peasants from all over the country. They formed a national coordinating committee for agrarian reform.
./english/387.txt:62:But not all peasant movements are in a position to respond to death-squad repression. A peasant leader from Colombia at the Congress told of the systematic extermination of peasant activists and their families by paramilitary groups who suspect any proponents of land reform or advocates of human rights as disguised guerrilla sympathizers because the FARC (Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces) also support those demands.
./english/399.txt:115:This was just what Les Enrages were waiting for. Within an hour 4 truck loads of armed police were let into the University by the Dean. Les Enrages threw everything they could lay their hands on at them, luring them into the University so everybody could see exactly what was going on. The Police were no longer a rumour, they were very much fact. Moderate students duly joined in to drive the police out of the University. Provocation had drawn repression, which in turn had rallied mass support. It was a classic Situationist victory.
./english/399.txt:117:Les Enrages continued to build on this emotional reaction to the authorities repression, until 3 anti-Vietnam War bombings took place in Paris. 5 members of 'The National Committee For Vietnam' were arrested. On March 22nd, as a protest against the arrests, a group of Les Enrages and some anti-Vietnam war demonstrators occupied the administration offices at Nanterre and decided to get a real Movement going. "THE MOVEMENT OF MARCH 22nd" was to have no organization as such, no hierarchy and no hard and fast programme. Obviously it was political, but it did'nt follow one political doctrine. There were anarchists, Marxists, Leninists, Trotskyists, all manner of -ists, and of course, a bit of Situationist in there somewhere.
./english/399.txt:163:Despite the millions on strike and the hundreds of thousands on the streets, it was always true that the Movement was basically the work of an intellectual elite and at the end of the day the silent majority couldn't be lured away from the capitalist carrot. They did'nt understand the intellectual repression felt by the students and their theories were all so much idle rubbish compared with the day to day reality of earning a crust. But having said that, De Gaulle had been lucky. Maybe not so lucky next time. The students had succeeded in bringing out the discontent in French Society at the ever increasing distance between the bureaucrats and those whose lives they control.
./english/401.txt:95:· Articulating itself with conservative or reactionary forces favoring state-nationalism, economic growth/competition and environmental destruction regardless of consequences, internal repression and even local or international warfare.
./english/416.txt:1:Minutes of the Repression Network meeting in Frankfurt, 03.11.06
./english/416.txt:7:Then we discussed about the ideas / proposals that were published before in the repression mailing list. We agreed that the main issues for the Repression Network to deal with during the coming period would be
./english/416.txt:13:The G8 meeting and the parallel mobilization concern the whole anti-globalization and antikapitalist/-antiimperialist movement and especially those who are involved in the antirepression work. It was common opinion that it was very important for us to take part at the preparations and at the demonstrations against the summit.
./english/416.txt:19:We necessarily need to think about broadening our Network. We must win more people and from more and various structures for the support of our work. We must achieve a more productive and effective work. The issues of repression should not get lost inside the ESF process.
./english/417.txt:209:European Association against the repression/oppression of Migration
./english/417.txt:386: Against repression - Contact: JoachimROLLHAEUSER (netw. for polit& social right
./english/418.txt:8:The EUCOCO Conference greets the resistance of the Saharawi People in the occupied territories and pays tribute to the victims of the Moroccan repression. The conference also denounces the massive violations of the human rights by the Moroccan authorities in the occupied territories, as well as the systematic and bloody reprisals that Saharawi people suffer. The conference informs us on the violence against women; 35% of missing people are women. The conference welcomes the associations and the Moroccan political parties that defend the right of the Saharawi people to self determination.
./english/418.txt:10:The Conference denounces the political repression and the black out imposed by Morocco in the occupied territories of the Western Sahara. In fact, Moroccan occupiers put the territory under embargo and keep the international community uninformed of the inadmissible situation that the Saharawi People is living through police force. The Conference also calls for the concerned institutions of the UN, European Union (EU) and different NGOs in order to confront the situation, and take responsibility on the protection of the Saharawi population and against those who commit crime against humanity with efficacy.
./english/418.txt:11:The Conference accuses the double faced policy of the international community (double standard). Under this policy, peace forces and protection is opened out only in certain regions depending on their interests on them. In the meanwhile, other people are left on their own to confront repression and occupation, as it has been happening in Western Sahara for more than 30 years.