./english/42.txt:22:After about half an hour they guided us out one by one to a police truck (transporter for detainees). This transporter couldn't leave from there because the rally of the other ESF members blocked the street.
./english/44.txt:261:We are against the military and repressive policies, which are exercised in the name of “the war against drugs” at the international level, guided by the government of the United States of America against the national sovereignty of countries and the human rights of their people.
./english/187.txt:39:With the goal of ensuring that the process of the European Social Consulta is as open, democratic and horizontal as possible, but always maintaining a very clear political framework and a spirit of respect toward all people, cultures and communities, we propose the following hallmarks to guide this process:
./english/187.txt:74:From the promotor groups in Barcelona and Madrid we are developing a guide to the internal consultation. This guide will include some proposals, such as those contained in this document, but with a series of open questions designed to invite your response for each of the sections. The responses will be gathered through a web page that will house all those responses obtained. Reports will also be developed for the First International Gathering that will contain the results of the internal consultation. In a few days we will circulate a first draft of the internal consultation guide. If you want to recieve and express your opinion about this draft before the definitive version is sent out, write to the contacts that appear at the end of this document.
./english/187.txt:85:Diffuse the internal consultation guide and explain the proposal for the European Social Consulta, encouraging all the collectives in thier territorial context of action (community, region, nation, state...) to participate in the process of debate, inviting them to attend the first European gathering.
./english/209.txt:13:Another peculiarity of British politics which has presented a challenge to the organisation of the ESF in London is the democratic weakness of local government. In Florence and Paris it was, after all, the support of left dominated municipalities to the tune of millions of Euros which made the Forum possible. Paradoxically, the weakness of local government in London became a source of undue local authority control of important aspects of the ESF process. The peculiar politics of London and its relation to national politics is another essential part of any guide to the London ESF.
./english/238.txt:10:Language is at the heart of the Social Forums. Or at least it should be. The Porto Alegre Charter that continues to shape and guide the ESF process makes clear our collective commitment to “ reflective thinking, democratic debate of ideas, formulation of proposals, free exchange of experiences and interlinking for effective action”. It reminds us that the Forum must always be open to pluralism and “the diversity of genders, ethnicities, cultures, generations and physical capacities, providing they abide by this Charter of Principles.” Breathing life into these worthy principles requires that people have the means to communicate with and understand each other in ways that are egalitarian and democratic. As Susan George writes in her new book ‘Another World is Possible If …', political activists are as guilty as the ruling classes in using language for purposes of power, control and domination:
./english/241.txt:22:I will come back later to the first of these, the networking organisational aspect, in order to present a concrete experience that is addressing it: the Guide for social transformation in Europe: ESF and surroundings.
./english/241.txt:28:EXPERIMENTING INVESTIGACTION: Guide for social transformation in Europe: ESF and surroundings.
./english/241.txt:30:In order to bring into focus and explore a series of elements that ‘swarm’ around what could be understood as Investigation, I will present a recent experiment in action, the Guide for social transformation in Europe: ESF and surroundings.
./english/241.txt:32:The Guide is an experiment in putting applied research and archiving techniques at the service of the process of social movement convergence in Europe and in particular around the ESF process. It is inspired to traditions like participation action-research and 'con-research'.
./english/241.txt:34:Exploring from where the Investigaction could/should be done, the Guide research project is programmatically situated within the action of transforming social movements; implied within the needs directly or indirectly expressed by the social movements; and developed by research groups and collectives internal to the emerging social movements process.
./english/241.txt:38:The Guide is based on a non-disciplinary methodology. It looks for the overcoming of the fictitious academic compartmentalization of reality. On the contrary, reality is understood as a totality that combines manifold interconnected aspects.
./english/241.txt:40:It is a piece of research explicitly tailored to action for the critical transformation of the current reality. The research pursues the creation of a knowledge that is valued for its practical effectiveness in generating changes, as opposed to an objective and contemplative theoretical knowledge, as in the traditional academic manner; knowledge that generates and maximizes action and whose fruits serve the process of constituting new antagonistic subjectivities through social movement convergence processes. In the sense of practical effectiveness the core of the Guide is to build useful “networking tools” such as a Directory and contact details of the collectives and organisations which have participated to the ESFs of Florence, Paris, London, organized thematically and by region; and a Map of the European networks developed within and around the ESF process. The level of utility is defined by the capacity of the use-builders of the Guide itself to make it grow through the identification of actors with the networking process, of resources for the action, of reflection for social transformation.
./english/241.txt:42:It also aims to reinforce action research/investigation as a new antagonistic commitment. Another aim of the Guide is the creation of a convergence space for common action amongst activist researchers/investigators operating within the social movements at the European level. For this reason it is and it will be carried out by an open network of groups and research centres, called the Action research network for the ESF confluence process. Moreover, the Guide will contain a specific Map/directory of groups which are producing research within and around the new movements in Europe too.
./english/241.txt:44:Other contents of the Guide are:
./english/241.txt:48:• A map of web-bibliographic articles on the European confluence processes, articles of reflection about the new social movements and the new confluence spaces in Europe and articles on the data and the new knowledge generated by the Guide itself, as a tool of reflection and debate
./english/241.txt:53:The Guide has an explicit political commitment to the present cycles of protests and the ESF and it surroundings. It was born from the consciousness of this process of resistance and reaction rather than from a perspective that is merely communicative or contemplative. It is not intended to ‘give’ voice to the excluded populations, considered other from us, but to establish cooperation among ourselves, with the acknowledgement of our own exclusion from the outset. It is not constituted through a separated consciousness, but it makes the research one more tool in the process of confronting the system that excludes us.
./english/241.txt:57:In a process of collective creation, it is nurtured by a spirit of experimentation and cooperation through an open and pluralistic network structure. The Guide is developed from a network of very diverse nodes, politically and organizationally, such as research groups internal to the social movements (Transform! Italia, Transnational Institute, Glocal a-research centre) or social movement organizations (ARCI, EYFA, UNITED for Intercultural Action), in collaboration with academic departments/centres (The University of Florence or The Centre for the Study of Global Governance- LSE), Trade Union Foundations (like the CGIL’s Fondazione Di Vittorio), hackers support teams (Pangea), International archive institutions (IISH - International Institute of Social History) and a cluster of 40 advisers. It is also being developed with the collaborative interaction and recognition by the working groups internal to the social forum process which were mentioned above.
./english/241.txt:60:The Guide hopes to generate free, public, inclusive, common and nondiscriminatory knowledge for universal use, without property, copyright or mercantilist aims. It has a Creative Commons licence (Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 2.0), which allows for copying, distribution, display, and performance of the work and the making of derivative works, with very light limitations. The results will have accessible formats for quick diffusion through the website and an easily accessible printed version. It is therefore adopting a working method that rejects the commodification and privatisation of knowledge as one of the causes of social exclusion.
./english/241.txt:61:Building a Useful Guide for social transformation in Europe is a process that is now in process. Join it!!!
./english/241.txt:91:Guide for social transformation in Europe: ESF and surroundings http://www.euromovements.info
./english/245.txt:53:Obviously the area of press, media and public relations is one that can cause great concern where there is conflict over the wider political motivations and goals around the ESF. There are concerns over representation, not only regarding the whole ESF project, but also over the prominence given to different issues and campaigns, as well as to individual speakers. This is why policies or guidelines in these areas are essential. These issues were raised at the UK Organising Committee early in the year - recommendations were made that a series of press policies should be developed with a broad range of participants working in partnership with progressive media networks, and that these should include policies to ensure an equitable and clear access to the press, as well as a fair and transparent system for fielding and directing enquiries from the press.
./english/252.txt:43:c) DOMINANCE. The negative aspects of this political culture tend to elevate the power of the few (constantly at the microphone, often stating little new) over the many (sitting on their chairs, wanting the meeting to move ahead). This is because the will of the majority in the room almost never finds expression, while the shouters and the ones who eagerly run to the microphone are expressing themselves constantly. The lack of guidelines for the meeting also places vast powers with the chairpersons. When important issues are buried under endless, antagonistic debate, and time is running out, the room often ends up in the hands of the chair: we have the choice between accepting whatever “solution” he/she might propose on the verge of the meeting's breakdown, or having no decision at all. This role of the chairperson also tends to put him/her in conflict with the room, rather than in a truly mediating position where he/she builds up trust from all different groups and interests in the room.
./english/252.txt:49:So, we think we must be able to make the meetings of the European Assembly work better, for all of us. How? We will suggest a few guidelines. (Yes, we know we must strive for openness! Yes, we know we don't take majority decisions! Yes, we are suspicious of excessive formalisation, BUT: When we have put aside the formal constraints of traditional organisational democracy, all we are left with is self-constraint: We must all constrain ourselves at some points during the meeting, if it is to be a good and constructive one. So the process needs guidelines, agreed upon by consensus, that can help us develop the ability of self-constraint, together.)
./english/252.txt:53:Guidelines for the meeting of the european assembly:
./english/252.txt:69:We would like to propose some version of these guidelines at the opening of the next assembly, in Istanbul. And we would like our suggestions to be discussed via email before we come to that meeting.
./english/261.txt:137:A beginners guide to action research (18k)
./english/266.txt:6:Home » Research Tools » Hands-On Corporate Research Guide E-Mail Page
./english/266.txt:11:Hands-On Corporate Research Guide
./english/266.txt:20:If you are looking for information on corporations for an activist campaign, investigative article, lawsuit, socially conscious investment, or a school paper, this interactive guide will take you step by step through researching corporations on the Internet.
./english/266.txt:34:Look up the company with an investor guide like Market Guide, Hoover's Online or Insider Scores. Check out the corporate overview, executive information, stock performance and business news.
./english/266.txt:178:This guide was organized by Anna Couey of the DataCenter/ImpactResearch.
./english/269.txt:27:Instead of sitting still to settle all these doubts, we decided to set off and work them out on the move. We chose a method that would take us on a series of itineraries through the metropolitan circuits of feminized precarious work, leading each other through our quotidian environments, speaking in the first person, exchanging experiences, reflecting together. These derives through the city defy the division between work and life, production and reproduction, public and private, to trace the spatial-temporal continuum of existence, the double (or multiple) presence. More concretely: for a few months an open and changing group of us went almost every week on a wandering tour through the important spaces of daily life of women (ourselves, friends, close contacts) working in precarious and highly feminized sectors: language work (translations and teaching), domestic work, call-shops, sex work, food service, social assistance, media production. In order to structure our reflections a bit, we chose a few axes of particular and common interest to guide us: borders, mobility, income, the body, knowledge and relations, empresarial logic, conflict. Talking, reflecting, video camera and tape-recorder in hand, we went with the hope of communicating the experience and the hypotheses we might derive from it, taking our own communication seriously, not only as a tool of diffusion but as primary material for politics.
./english/272.txt:26:The approach to knowledge here is a radical move beyond the conventional approach to knowledge in which knowledge is used in simply to understand constraints and possibilities. Here knowledge is generated through acting to transform constraints, action is understood as producing knowledge which if it is absorbed and somehow systematised then acts as a guide to further action.
./english/275.txt:88:If it is true that in a realist perspective the justification of theory is its ability to grasp the essential nature of social structures, then a critical realist perspective stresses that this endeavour depends on the problematisation of those structures through social practice. Without this practice those structures cannot become clearly visible to social actors. In conceptualizing them, theorists as well as others necessarily rely on the ways in which people respond to what they find problematic, and more specifically draw on the most adequate responses (eg those with the ability to mobilize people from the broadest range of social groups, those which challenge deeper structures rather than surface issues, etc.) as a guide towards that conceptualization.42
./english/276.txt:11:In order to carry out a meaningful exploration of the relevance of critical realism for social movement research, it is necessary to clarify how I conceive of the “research object” – social movements – and the knowledge interests that guide the research itself. Thus, in the following I present brief outlines of (a) how I conceive of ‘the movement process’ and the relationship between experience and theory in this process, and (b) social movement research as ‘insurgent architecture’.
./english/276.txt:99:Social movement research guided by the knowledge interest of insurgent architecture and the critical realist insistence on the possibility of uncovering the real, I submit, may make valuable contributions to such movement practice.
./english/277.txt:78:A practical illustration of the nature of this category of skill in social movement contexts can be given from my own interviews into social movement activists. Four different institutional locations were particularly mentioned in these interviews: the Dublin movement scene for its opportunity to learn from other people’s experience, the London squatting scene for the development of practical skills, literature on the American 1960s as a source for indirect experience of social change, and interaction among engineering, computer and physics students geared towards solving technical problems. One particular discussion centred on the book Ideal Home (Suspect 1986), produced by London anarchists as a guide to squatting and travelling, and described by Irish squatters in the following terms:
./english/277.txt:127:One published a selection from his ongoing research as an explicit contribution to the discussions of that time (Raschke 1991). Over a somewhat longer period, members of the party elite (Antje Vollmer, Wolfgang Thierse) were and are involved in the journal of new social movement research, the Forschungsjournal neue soziale Bewegungen. This situation is perhaps unusual in terms of the level of competence and the scale of resources available to the party, but not otherwise. As Tomás Jones has pointed out, there are strong dangers in a situation where research is guided by purely external criteria: the politics of European social movements research - and its funding - has shifted rightwards over the last two decades (1993: 7 - 8). To take the most alarming example, Diani and Eyerman’s otherwise fascinating volume (1992) on the methodology of social movements research came out of a European Consortium for Political Research session jointly sponsored by the Italian Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche and ... the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, a fact mentioned without comment in the introduction to the volume.
./english/282.txt:65:By comparison, the kind of knowledge produced by movement intellectuals tends to address different kinds of questions. In the terms of the Theses on Feuerbach, these questions are guided by their active engagement - not only with relation to movements, but also with relation to the social world within which those movements move, and which they seek to transform.
./english/282.txt:73:Second, movement intellectuals produce another kind of essentially practical idea: the strategic and tactical proposal. This is a complex proposition which links together a reading of the nature of the present situation (including its relevant history) with an action plan (including a risk-assessment etc) for the movement in the immediate future. It speaks to a 'we' with which the movement intellectual claims an immediate identification. That 'we' may be a formally defined 'movement' or 'party', or may be framed as 'ordinary people,' 'workers,' 'the Catholic community', 'Blacks', etc. Such propositions take a typical form: Given the overall situation, and our purposes and resources within it, this is how we should act. The argumentation for such proposals may indeed include a whole raft of what Lofland terms 'generic propositions' of different kinds: lessons drawn from previous movement experiences as well as pieces of folk wisdom and moral homily (e.g., 'when the going gets tough only the tough keep going'). The strategic proposal seeks to grasp a sufficient account of the totality of a current situation, in order to guide action, rather than to capture a single aspect of the situation in a form where it can be compared with similar aspects in different situations. Its persuasive force depends on its capacity to combine an explanatory account of the complexities and contradictions of the recent past and present with a proposal for active intervention in the immediate future. So generic propositions are useful, but only as more or less casual supports for practical arguments. (8), (9)
./english/282.txt:139:Coming as it did after the protests in Seattle, the book has attracted widespread attention (much of it critical) in academia and the media, but also among activists. Its curiosity from an activist point of view, however, is the explicitly 'hands-off' role it assigns to activists: 'the multitude', according to Hardt and Negri, will take care of matters, despite their purported inability to communicate with one another or build solidarity (see Cox 2001 for a more detailed critique). In other words, the analysis of structure is in some ways radical - in line with the traditions of Italian autonomy - but as a guide to practical action the book is almost empty. (16)
./english/290.txt:17:"[i]n the Situationist version of the drift, the investigators wander without any particular destination through the city, permitting that conversations, interactions and urban micro-events guide them. This permits them to establish a psycho-cartography based on the coincidences and correspondences of physical and subjective flows: exposing themselves to the gravitation and repulsion of certain spaces, to the conversations that come up along the way, and, in general, to the way in which the urban and social environments influence exchanges and attitudes. This means wandering attentive to the billboard that assaults you, the bench that attracts, the building that suffocates, the people who come and go. In our particular version, we opt to exchange the arbitrary wandering of the flaneur, so particular to the bourgeois male subject with nothing pressing to do, for a situated drift which would move through the daily spaces of each one of us, while maintaining the tactic's multisensorial and open character. Thus the drift is converted into a moving interview, crossed through by the collective perception of the environment."
./english/292.txt:257:conversations, interactions and urban micro-events guide them. This
./english/293.txt:105:The ‘drift’ or derive, is a tactic which some of us had already experienced in other research contexts[8] whose basic source is the Situationists,[9] and which has not always been easy to explain. Nevertheless, the course of events has clarified, bit by bit, the logic of substituting static interviews for journeys through the city. When proposing the ‘drifts’ we particularly emphasized not only passing through the past and present workplaces of our guides but also the possibility of linking the spaces and, once on the road, to see what would come up. Thus we ended up including in our routes streets, houses, businesses, public transportation, supermarkets, bars, shops, union offices, health centers, etc. We opted for the method of the drift as a form of articulating this diffuse network of situations and experiences, producing a subjective cartography of the metropolis through our daily routes.
./english/293.txt:109:In the Situationist version of the drift, the investigators wander without any particular destination through the city, permitting that conversations, interactions and urban micro-events guide them. This permits them to establish a psycho-cartography based on the coincidences and correspondences of physical and subjective flows: exposing themselves to the gravitation and repulsion of certain spaces, to the conversations that come up along the way, and, in general, to the way in which the urban and social environments influence exchanges and attitudes. This means wandering attentive to the billboard that assaults you, the bench which attracts, the building which suffocates, the people who come and go. In our particular version, we opt to exchange the arbitrary wandering of the flaneur, so particular to the bourgeois male subject with nothing pressing to do, for a situated drift which would move through the daily spaces of each one of us, while maintaining the tactic’s multisensorial and open character. Thus the drift is converted into a moving interview, crossed through by the collective perception of the environment.
./english/293.txt:129:and identified other equally important ones for a future phase of the project: prostitution, scholarships/research, advertising, communications, social work and education. The women working in these sectors whom we asked to guide us chose a series of relevant places: their houses, workplaces, supermarkets, the park, the cyber café, the yoga class… and we threaded these spaces together as points on an itinerary loaded with significance, the networks of chance and simultaneity which compose our daily lives. Thus, following an English teacher we were able to connect -through the fortuitous tour one of her students gave us in NCR (a multinational which installs and maintains automatic bank tellers) where she teaches- the reality of the flexible work of our companion within the new factory structure, recomposed according to the demands of the global market.
./english/293.txt:133:The drift permits us to take the quotidian as a dimension of the political and as a source of resistances, privileging experience as an epistemological category. Experience, in this sense, is not a preanalytic category but a central notion in understanding the warp of daily events, and, what is more, the ways in which we give meaning to our localized and incarnated quotidian. It is not exactly an observation technique; it does not aspire to ‘reproduce’ or approach daily experience as it habitually occurs (an ideal of classical anthropology which has proved difficult to realize) but rather to produce simultaneous movements of approaching and distancing, visualizing and defamiliarizing, transit and narration. We are interested in the point of view of those that guide us –how they define and experience precariousness, how they organize themselves on a daily basis and what are their vital strategies in the short and the long term, what they hope for- without dismissing, in this process, the dialog and complicity which is produced in our encounter. There is no going back; once you get home from a drift your head keeps buzzing until the next one.
./english/293.txt:202:In the past people struggled against the reification of daily life, primarily incarnated in work but also in the family and mass consumption, and this determined a change in business policies, particularly in the management of human resources.[13] Today security and continuity have become, in name at least, increasingly precious, although the price that must be paid for them is often too high and one ends up accepting mobility and unrestricted availability in an attempt to compose a destiny which at least is not totally prescribed. The only stable element is being in perpetual transit, the “habit of the unaccustomed”[14] which characterizes work paid by the hour, by the job, or until something better is found. Which, as our guides through the mysterious world of telemarketing commented, never really happens, such that one returns again and again to bounce off different campaigns which the virtual enterprises in the sector contract with the big communication multinationals under ever more competitive conditions.
./english/293.txt:307:“Listening and relating, especially relating with people”, thus Carmen describes what she puts to work in her functions as a nurse. Something which she shares with the telephone operators, the domestic workers, the prostitutes and other women in feminine precarious work. For us, the encounter with the telephone operators was a revelation in this sense.[27] The capacity to attend and to empathize, the anticipation of others’ desires, not so much in order to provide solutions as to make the other feel good in a more general sense, patience and the ability to produce a “telephone smile” are fundamental tools based in a common sensibility lauded by some feminists as an ‘ethics of care.’ Technical knowledge, but especially relational knowledge - something which the company rapidly skips over in a 3 day training course (unpaid and with no guarantee of work) and which is mostly learned with the help of more experienced workers - is the key to success.[28] In these training courses, and depending upon the kind of services – technical assistance, information, emergencies, sales, surveys, etc. – they establish guidelines about the length of the call, the methods of retaining, deferring or cutting the call, the line of argumentation to develop, the intonation, the prohibited words and the encouraged ones[29] or the activation of the famous ‘mute’ or ‘telephone tunnel’ through which they may leave the call on hold for any number of reasons, and to which the telephone operators have responded with Without the Mute, the title of the magazine they have produced about labor problems in telemarketing. The control over communicative capacity – emotional as well as argumentative rhetoric – constitutes a vast field for exploration.
./english/293.txt:319:Okay, I come to this service and they tell me ‘you have to divert them’ but of course the caller tells me… for example in a rape case it was very clear, you tell her that she has to go to one of those police stations that has services for women and she says to you, yeah but it my village there isn’t one, because you get calls from all over Spain and if she lives in a village… sure, but its 200km away, so you send her to the police station, but its not going to be the same, so you have to give her some guidelines, tell her that she has to do this, this and this, but all this I say because I want to, and the company wants me to, but they don’t make me do it, they didn’t teach me to do it, and if I do it badly, what responsibility do I have? I have a personal responsibility, but the company can always say look, you said this on your own account and you’re not obliged to say that, and as a matter of fact, you’re not allowed to say that… (Telemarketing drift)
./english/293.txt:331:Another interesting element of relationship which merits further investigation is the link between people working together, which was alluded to both by the telephone operators and by our guide in social nursing. In the case of the operators, the companies attempt by all means to reduce the contact between the employees, whether by giving them little physical space to rest - as we had the opportunity to witness in situ, all squeezed together in the Qualytel office – or by using strategies oriented to generate competition and individualism, such as what they call “horizontal promotion”[30] or incentives[31] (which are also used in public health). Nevertheless, the company knows that a good portion of the work is done thanks to the exchange between the workers which assures the transmission of the savoir faire accumulated by the veterans who have been there longer, and – take note – are already more burnt-out[32], and of the information necessary in the course of the telephone calls, information which certainly does not reside in the few folders which we found in the offices, nor in the computers, but rather in the heads of those who are answering the calls. The control of this process rests in modulated management, employing surveillance techniques (listening and recording), hierarchization (operation personnel: operators, coordinators and supervisors, and structural personnel), displacement and time changes (since the job is organized by campaign some workers are located in the headquarters of the operating company while others are in the contracting company, and thus they are continually changing) and differentiation based on salary and value (of the campaign, of the sex of those who are executing it, of their wardrobe, of the company, etc.). The sense of being in transit is permanent: the scientific organization of total work.
./english/298.txt:63:TT: Yes, I think that it is an exciting transformation and does not necessarily need to be interpreted as a ‘dumbing down’. On the contrary, the entry of such a mass of students into higher education implies a political transformation in the role of the university – its reinvention, so to speak. The ways in which this transformation is being managed over here is totally predictable and unsurprising. On the one hand, there is a heightened level of top down, managerial, informational control – an endless, centralised output of new guidelines, targets and initiatives which introduce post-industrial management into the old guild-like university system and which in many cases is pushing teaching staff workloads to extreme limits.
./english/299.txt:59:The drifts, as we explained in ≥First Stutterings≤[9], are not limited to a route guided by a given experience of precariousness. They are neither a mere stroll nor a planned activity. Thus when we proposed approaching sex work we understood clearly that we could not just reproduce the role of ≥gawkers≤, as one prostitute in the Casa del Campo called us, nor that of simple sympathizers. For this reason we were thinking more of an exchange that would go beyond the future sex work drift. At the moment, the exchange has taken the form of our participation in some of the activities of Hetaira[10], which has permitted us to approach street prostitution, a world unknown to us, and establish a link where there had been none. We hope that this link becomes closer over time and that it becomes a cooperation which might contribute to connecting this stigmatized and harassed sector of work to other precarious realities with which it occasionally overlaps.
./english/299.txt:145:In our feminist perspective, the exercise of prostitution reproduces a theatralization of power; the man negotiates and buys the right to access the body of the woman andä to something more, something that canπt be separated from the other: a performance of sex with love, a normalized or an aberrant sexuality, equal or hierarchical, voluntary or forced, the compensation for a deficit of sex or affection, a companion, a mother, etc. Many kinds of performance can be bought, one need look no further than the advertisements in the newspaper. Prostitutes have always talked about how much their clients talk, their role as therapists or desired subjects, thus demystifying the generalization that would make violence or distain a guideline of sexual service. Fantasies of dominion, of war, of the inversion of power, of the secret and its unveilingä as a client said on television: ≥Nobody gives so much for so little.≤ Sex work, as we said before, is a strategic place to reveal the sexuality ≠ normal and deviant ≠ of a particular historical moment, as well as the way in which this is linked to other dimensions of social identity. Prostitutes and sex workers in general make explicit the performances of gender and the borders of being woman.
./english/303.txt:35:The most troubling aspect for Ricardo was that the GSF had not created any channels of communication with the militant anarchists, largely due to the Forum’s strict “non-violence” stance. The dominant political forces within the GSF- the White Overalls, NGOs, ATTAC, radical labor unions and Refundazione, the reformulated Communist party- were characterized by autonomous Marxist, socialist, and social-democratic perspectives and the use of strictly non-violent tactics. On the other hand, the guiding political ethos among decentralized grassroots networks like PGA or MRG is broadly anarchist, at least in the sense of horizontal networking and coordination among diverse autonomous groups. This networking logic also holds for the question of violence versus non-violence, where a “diversity of tactics” position generally prevails. For radical anti-capitalists like Ricardo, even those who would never engage in violent tactics, the important thing is to establish dialogue and coordination among all groups, regardless of the tactics they choose. The strict non-violence position of the GSF, along with their perceived unwillingness to communicate with groups outside their direct action guidelines, was thus perceived as a major obstacle to overcome through the mediation of the radical internationals.
./english/303.txt:45:If ethnographic methods driven by political commitment and guided by a theory of practice largely break down the distinction between researcher and activist during the moment of fieldwork, the same cannot be said for the moment of writing and distribution. Indeed, one has to confront vastly different systems of standards, awards, selection, and stylistic criteria, as Paul Routledge (1996) suggests:
./english/313.txt:65:I will come back later to the first aspect, networking organisational aspect, presenting a concrete experience facing it, Guide for social transformation in Europe: ESF and surroundings.
./english/313.txt:72:EXPERIMENTING: Guide for social transformation in Europe
./english/313.txt:76:The Guide is an experiment of applying research and archive techniques in the service of the process of confluence of social movements in Europe and in particular de ESF process.
./english/313.txt:77:The Guide researches program are situated from the action of transform social movements, that is, implied by the needs, directly or indirectly expressed by the social movements and develop from research groups and collectives internal to the social movements process.
./english/313.txt:78:The Guide core is build useful “networking tools” such as a Directory and addresses of the collectives and organisations which have participated to the ESFs of Florence, Paris, London, organized by ambits of actuation and regions and a Map of the European networks developed within and around the ESF process. The level of utility could be defining as the capacity to grown the identification of actors and resources for the action and reflection for social transformation of the use-builders of the Guide.
./english/313.txt:79:It also aimed to reinforce the action research/investigaction as a new antagonistic commitment through finalised to the creation of a confluence space for common action of the activist research/investigaction within the social movements at the European level. For this reason it will be curried out by a network of groups and centres of research, the Action research network for the ESF confluence process, which develop the research. The Guide will also contain a specific Map/directory of groups which are producing research within and around the new movements in Europe.
./english/313.txt:81:Other contents of the Guide are:
./english/313.txt:85:Map of web-bibliographic articles on the European confluence processes, articles of reflection about the new social movements and the new confluence spaces in Europe and articles on the data and the new knowledge generated by the Guide itself, as a tool of reflection and debate
./english/313.txt:91:In a process of collective creation, it is nurtured by a spirit of experimentation and cooperation through an open network structure. The Guide is developed from a network of very politically and organizationally diverse nodes, such us, social movements internal research groups (Transform¡ Italia, Transnational Institute, Glocal a-research centre) or organizations of the social movements (ARCI, EYFA, UNITED for Intercultural Action), collaboration of academic departments/centres (The Centre for the Study of Global Governance- LSE), hackers support teams (Pangea), civil society institutions (IISH - International Institute of Social History) and a cluster of 40 advisers. With the collaborative interaction and recognition of the internal SF working groups, mentioned above.
./english/313.txt:93:The Guide had a Creative Commons licence (Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 2.0), that allow to copy, distribute, display, and perform the work and to make derivative works, with very light limitations, and the results will have accessible formats and of agile diffusion though the website and a easily accessible printed version. An procedural that also looks to denounces the mercantilisation and privatization of knowledge as one of the causes of social exclusion.
./english/313.txt:139:The anthropology and ethnography for its field work immersion methods of “being there” (Clifford Geerts) is more proclive to this questions as Jeffrey Juris rise “How can we make our work relevant to those with whom we study?”. Juris presents Militant ethnography as “a politically engaged and collaborative form of participant observation carried out from within rather than outside of grassroots movements”. But also consider its limitations, “If ethnographic methods driven by political commitment and guided by a theory of practice largely break down the distinction between researcher and activist during the moment of fieldwork, the same cannot be said for the moment of writing and distribution. Indeed, one has to confront vastly different systems of standards, awards, selection, and stylistic criteria”. That could explain the anger of this activist at the I International meeting on activist research and social movements: “You go back to the university and use collectively produced knowledge to earn your degrees and gain academic prestige. What’s in it for the rest of us?”.
./english/313.txt:149:Secondly, movement intellectuals produce strategic and tactical proposals, typically of the form Given the overall situation, and our purposes and resources within it, this is how we should act. “We” may be a formally defined movement or party, or may be framed as “ordinary people”, “workers”, “the Catholic community”, “Blacks”, etc. The strategic proposal seeks to grasp a sufficient account of the whole of a situation, in order to guide action, rather than to isolate one element in order to compare it with others. Its persuasive force depends on combining an explanation of the complexities and contradictions of the immediate past and present with a proposal for active intervention in the immediate future. Generic propositions are drawn on only as supports for practical arguments” (Barker and Cox, 2001).
./english/313.txt:174:Guide for social transformation in Europe: ESF and surroundings
./english/320.txt:56:If movements from above attempt to create structures, which in turn generate routines, the activist experience in movements from below tends to reverse this order. Thus the point of departure for my approach to the understanding of the collective agency of subaltern social groups – social movements from below – is that of the existential situation of activists and the learning processes that are inherent to movement activity. I start from people's situated experiences of a social world that is problematic relative to their changing needs and capacities, and their attempts to combine with other people with similar experiences to do something about this. This can be referred to as the movement process and I propose the terms local rationality and militant particularism, campaign, and social movement project as conceptual prisms that might allow us to formulate a developmental theory of the direction of the collective agency of subaltern social groups. If we are to start with and from people’s situated experience of a given lifeworld, we start from the context of everyday lives with all their manifold practical routines and received wisdoms. Gramsci’s (1998: 333) concept of ‘common sense’ serves as an apt prism through which to view the experiential rationality that guides everyday activities and mentalities in the sense that it constitutes an amalgamation of two elements: Firstly, the established ways of doing things – that is, the routines that constitute the molecular workings of a hegemonic social organization of human practice, and its "received wisdoms" (the general outlook that this a natural way of doing things, "the way things have always been done", or "the only way of doing things"). Secondly, the practical but often tacit experience of the existent as somehow problematic in the form of "ticklish" knowledges or "grudges" that there is something wrong about the present state of affairs, that this is not due to individual maladjustment, and the subaltern skills and responses that are developed so as to act on such grudges. These knowledges and their grudges can perhaps be likened to what Scott (1985) calls everyday forms of resistance
./english/331.txt:13:A theoretical examination of ethical principles underlying key perspectives on economic globalisation is used to justify an approach to teaching the subject as an ethical issue. In the light of this, theories of moral development and approaches to moral education are considered and related to statutory requirements on teaching political issues and the guidelines of the Crick Report (1998). A developmental approach to teaching strategies is suggested. Practical issues in teaching a unit of work on economic globalisation are discussed, and implications for professional development are outlined. Recommendations are made for further research in this area.
./english/331.txt:142:The difficulty with these guidelines from the perspective of moral educators is that:
./english/331.txt:263:I have only touched on the tensions between the statutory guidelines and recommendations, theories of moral development, and approaches to moral education. There is as yet little in the way of literature relating moral education and the treatment of controversial issues in the classroom to economic globalisation. As a contentious topical issue with relevance to several aspects of the new Citizenship curriculum, it is a useful area to study in this way.
./english/365.txt:72:Ideological and identity thinning may also operate in single organizations that adopt open network designs to promote member equality or minimize bureaucracy. Le Grignou and Patou (forthcoming) note this potential for open networks to diminish organizational identity in their analysis of the French organization ATTAC (Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions for the Aid of Citizens). ATTAC (www.attac.org) is an interesting case because it began with a very specific organizational goal of creating a tax on global financial transactions and using the funds for sustainable development. ATTAC even formed a Scientific Council to guide the production of high quality information. However, the organization also promoted the autonomy of local chapters through an open communication network that resulted in the posting of diverse concerns from the ATTAC activist membership. Le Grignou and Patou conclude that the easy communication of local interests quickly diversified the organizational agenda to include Commander Marcos, “Mad Cow disease”, human rights in Tunisia, and the labor struggles of Danone employees. Le Grignou and Patou explain that the “click here” logic of the open network at once makes connections between such disparate ideas possible, and at the same time creates an intellectual dilemma for the
./english/367.txt:113:The same radicals who support the Taliban are now turning their guns against the WSF, guided by the hoary old Maoist conception of “the principal contradiction” and “the principal aspect of the principal contradiction” (derived from Mao’s essay On Contradiction). When so-called “social imperialism” (the Soviet bureaucracy and its allies) was considered the main enemy, Maoists were willing to support a Taliban-U.S. alliance. Today, having woken up after the collapse of the bureaucratized workers’ states to the reality of U.S. imperialism, they are under the impression that only by building a front of the “pure” can they resist imperialist penetration of social movements.
./english/370.txt:35:I would indeed limit the sense of the term even more to refer exclusively to those weakly gatherings of people at a predefined place in town, and not to a dispersed set of consumers catered by a system of middleman (as when one speaks of the "market" for personal computers). The reason is that, as historian Fernand Braudel has made it clear, it is only in markets in the first sense that we have any idea of what the dynamics of price formation are. In other words, it is only in peasant and small town markets that decentralized decision-making leads to prices setting themselves up in a way that we can understand. In any other type of market economists simply assume that supply and demand connect to each other in a functional way, but they do not give us any specific dynamics through which this connection is effected. {4} Moreover, unlike the idealized version of markets guided by an "invisible hand" to achieve an optimal allocation of resources, real markets are not in any sense optimal. Indeed, like most decentralized, self-organized structures, they are only viable, and since they are not hierarchical they have no goals, and grow and develop mostly by drift. {5}
./english/370.txt:50:These ideas are today being hotly debated in the field of interface design. The general consensus is that interfaces must become more intelligent to be able to guide users in the tapping of computer resources, both the informational wealth of the Internet, as well as the resources of ever more elaborate software applications. But if the debaters agree that interfaces must become smarter, and even that this intelligence will be embodied in agents, they disagree on how the agents should acquire their new capabilities. The debate pits two different traditions of Artificial Intelligence against each other: Symbolic AI, in which hierarchical components predominate, against Behavioral AI, where the meshwork elements are dominant. Basically, while in the former discipline one attempts to endow machines with intelligence by depositing a homogenous set of rules and symbols into a robot's brain, in the latter one attempts to get intelligent behavior to emerge from the interactions of a few simple task-specific modules in the robot's head, and the heterogeneous affordances of its environment. Thus, to build a robot that walks around a room, the first approach would give the robot a map of the room, together with the ability to reason about possible walking scenarios in that model of the room. The second approach, on the other hand, endows the robot with a much simpler set of abilities, embodied in modules that perform simple tasks such as collision-avoidance, and walking-around-the-room behavior emerges from the interactions of these modules and the obstacles and openings that the real room affords the robot as it moves.{8}
./english/375.txt:104:It is important to distinguish the multitude from a series of other concepts – the masses, the crowd, the rabble. All of these are social multiplicities, are pluralities. But they are passive, they cannot act on their own. The mob and the masses not only can be guided,
./english/375.txt:106:Harman-Hardt debate/rough transcript 12they have to be guided, the need an external force that leads. By contrast, the multitude acts on is own, it is able to act in its own name, it refuses leadership.
./english/378.txt:21:Finding our way around in it was hard, since there was no guide. The registration of the participants was chaotic. Topping off everything, however, was the decision to close the gates of the fortress during the afternoon of 9 November. The organisers had decided that too many people were packed into the fortress, and that no-one else should be admitted. As a result, some people could not enter, while others could not leave.
./english/392.txt:198:of course necessarily informed and guided by the Organising Principles of the World
./english/392.txt:274:movement."4 The WSF website provides a set of guidelines for what the MCs are meant
./english/393.txt:55:Charter of Principles to guide the continued pursuit of that initiative in the terms of the
./english/393.txt:65:Principles to guide the continued pursuit of that initiative . While the principles contained in this
./english/394.txt:119:‘International Secretariat’) issued a Note on “the principles that guide the WSF”.12 This document
./english/394.txt:303:principles that guide the WSF’. Dated March 7 2002.
./english/399.txt:1: The Boy Scout's Guide to the Situationist International
./english/399.txt:129:As news of the Events spread, via TV-footage of the burning barricades and street battles, thousands of young people from, not just France but, all over Europe made for Paris. Many of them from affiliated student groups but also individuals drawn by something relevant to their own situation. Amongst the English contingent were John Barker, Anna Mendelson and Christopher Bott, who would put the ideas they experienced into practice back home and go down in history (as well as literally) as part of "The Stoke Newington Eight" Also, if you believe the story, Malcolm McLaren was given a guided tour of the barricades by his art school buddy Fred Vermorel and returned to put the ideas in practice in a different way.
./english/400.txt:39:Denial of access to ICT infrastructure is, however, a feature of industrial relations. While some employers have been willing to negotiate access to their communications infrastructures for trade unions, others have sought to restrict access to email for union purposes. In the USA, the legality of denying union access to employees through email is currently a matter of some debate (Spognardi & Bro, 1998; The Economist, 2000). Elsewhere, it is likely that the law will give less protection to employees. For example, in the UK, in the absence of clear legal guidelines, over 80% of employers reportedly monitor employee communications (Eaglesham, 2001). A potentially wider area of corporate interference with union access to the global information infrastructure has also been apparent, through denial of access to particular services. For example, in the late 1980s, trade union researchers were denied access to selected areas of corporate information database by the major database Dialog (Angus & LaPlante, 1987). More recently, the Internet portal Yahoo! refused to place advertising banners in support of the US union SEIU’s campaign to unionise workers at Los Angeles International Airport (Rewick, 2000).
./english/403.txt:195:Walch, J. (1999) In the Net: An Internet Guide for Activists. London: Zed Books.
./english/512.txt:80:Unlike the challenge posed by intellectuals who position themselves as leaders and guides of the Forums, the challenge from the Assembly of Social Movements comes from below, an option that the Forum is designed to strengthen. In that sense, it represents one of the best results that the Forum is making possible, because it interlinks a growing number of civil society organisations. Among the Forum’s aims is the ideal that many interconnections like this should emerge and grow up with it. And that is indeed happening. The problem is that the Assembly of Social Movements intends to command a hegemony over the Forums, and to become the main grouping to grow out of them. It is as if it wished to hijack the Forum to achieve the aims of the movements of which it is composed.
./english/519.txt:59:This year’s polycentric process surely enables an enlargement in the WSF’s horizontal relation with some regional and national processes – in Bamako and Caracas this was clear and we hope that the same occurs in other stages of the process (Karachi, Athens, Bangkok, and for us in Brazil, Recife). We also have to evaluate the methodology’s efficiency within these events and verify if the worries that have guided us in Porto Alegre 2005 are being properly contemplated. But for the 7th WSF in Nairobi, Kenya, in January 2007, we must fundamentally build a participative process for the event‘s preparation, a methodology and a communication process that enables global connections of the processes, which at this moment are relatively dispersed – and this in a bigger qualitative scale than has ever been done in any WSF process’ events. But always keeping in mind that the Forum does not substitute social movements nor any kind of struggle, on the contrary, it is an instrument to assist them.
./english/589.txt:90:On the strength of this, they created a remarkable community village (they enjoy a really high quality of life compared with the Mumbai slums). It required years of efforts. They demanded and received building materials and donations in cash from various authorities. With this, over two years, they built 118 houses for an average amount of about 500 euros a house. To achieve this they hired the services of about ten professional masons who guided the work. Once the houses were built, they were distributed among them with title deeds in the names of both husbands and wives. Water and electricity were installed by public authorities, who also paved the roads and built a bridge on the creek.
./english/634.txt:19:A second “triumph” at Porto Alegre III was the WSF’s for the first time completely upstaging the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum (WEF, a club of the world’s wealthiest individuals, or “unelected Masters of the Universe" as the London Financial Times has dubbed them), held this year in Davos, Switzerland. Indeed, even the harshest critics of WSF acknowledge that in terms of world impact on both public opinion and many key power centers the WSF is beginning to leave the WEF in its wake. As one commentator noted in Terraviva (a WSF daily newspaper printed during Porto Alegre III): “Davos is discussing the crisis of confidence afflicting its own [neoliberal] model, whereas Porto Alegre shows an impressive liveliness.” WEF president Klaus Schwab reportedly said that the new year found the world at its most “fragile” and “dangerous” state in the WEF’s 33-year history. Despite this, the millionaire delegates to Davos scrambled around all the major issues of the day without coming up with anything resembling a unified leadership position to guide the world further along the paths of neoliberal globalization--this time, by their own admission, with a much needed “more human face.” The WEF once again stated its agreement with the Tobin Tax but took no action toward its implementation. On the burning issue of the US war plans in Iraq, the WEF delegates at Davos floundered completely. US Secretary of State Colin Powell “did not receive loud applause at the Davos meeting, as did many others…[who] criticized the US for ‘militarizing the world” (Terraviva).